Volume 71 – Bulletin
Lizbeth López-Bermúdez †I. Introduction
In a post-Chevron world, the constitutional limits of regulatory bodies’ enforcement powers have become highly contested.1 Under the Chevron doctrine, precedent required courts to give agencies deference in interpreting ambiguous statutes in the absence of clear legislative statements or intentions from Congress, as long as their rulemaking was reasonable.2 However, with the doctrine’s fall, legal scrutiny of these bodies has increased in fields ranging from employment to healthcare.3 This growing criticism shows that the administrative state is increasingly perceived as a “fourth branch” of government violating the Constitution’s tripartite design and thus requires restraint.4 More recently, the scrutiny has reached quasi-private organizations, raising difficult questions about how constitutional doctrines apply to organizations that sit between private contract and public power. Critics often conflate these entities with public agencies, applying constitutional frameworks without accounting for the legal distinctions attached to their private status and thus mischaracterizing or ignoring the source of their authority and the contractual nature of their governance. A quasi-private body recently finding itself in hot water is the Financial Industry Regulatory Authority, otherwise known as FINRA, which is a key self-regulatory organization (SRO) in the securities industry.
This article focuses on the legal challenges confronting FINRA and its enforcement structure. It addresses whether FINRA’s enforcement powers remain constitutional in light of recent Supreme Court decisions addressing the Appointments Clause, the private non-delegation doctrine, and the Seventh Amendment. This article will examine whether FINRA’s private status, along with its voluntary membership, provide sufficient justification to uphold its enforcement powers. This article argues that FINRA’s corporate status and consensual framework distinguish it from traditional administrative agencies and the legal attacks they face.
These unique characteristics provide a strong contractual basis for upholding the internal governance elements of its enforcement power under constitutional scrutiny, specifically regarding member broker firms that voluntarily accept its jurisdiction through the application process. On the other hand, this article asserts that when FINRA exercises quasi-governmental power—particularly when enforcing federal securities laws against non-members or imposing severe penalties like expulsion from the industry—its actions should be subject to de novo review by the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) or an Article III court, given the significant due process concerns and potential market effects of these decisions. Both FINRA’s voluntary framework and its exercise of quasi-governmental power are addressed in the analysis section of this article, while subsection B analyzes the interplay between Appointments Clause concerns and the private nondelegation doctrine. Subsection C explores the Seventh Amendment concerns present.
II. Background
A. Origins of Self-Regulation: The New York Stock Exchange and the Buttonwood Agreement
Before addressing the origins of FINRA as an SRO, we must discuss the history of self-regulation in the securities industry. This self-regulation dates back to the establishment of the New York Stock Exchange Board, now known as the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE), through the Buttonwood Agreement of 1792.5 This agreement outlined a pledge by twenty-four stockbrokers to trade exclusively with one another and set a minimum commission of a quarter percent, which facilitated trading among trusted parties and transformed the securities industry.6 In 1817, the Board, composed of almost thirty brokers at the time, adopted a constitution governing the admission of new members and brokers’ conduct in business dealings.7 To promote accountability, they regulated conduct by imposing fines on and excluding those who disobeyed.8
As the Board grew and trading volumes increased, the Board further formalized governing rules and its membership processes, allowing it to maintain a superior reputation in securities trading while other exchanges failed.9 In the 1820s and 1830s, while most trading still took place outside of the Board in brokers’ offices, on the streets, and in coffeehouses, New York courts considered the Board as providing the most important evidence of stock prices.10 This reputation gave the Board significant influence over price setting in New York, and by the 1860s, across the entire country.11
B. The Promise and Perils of Self-Regulation
Brokers had strong incentives to uphold the Board’s credibility.12 Misconduct by individual brokers often came at the direct expense of their customers, damaging the profession’s overall reputation.13 This reputational damage made investors reluctant to pay higher prices for brokers’ services, as they struggled to distinguish trustworthy brokers and bad actors due to information asymmetry.14 To maintain premium fees and ensure the exchange’s liquidity, reputable brokers had a vested interest in supporting a system that adopted and enforced rules benefiting investors.15 However, this self-policing system also gave established brokers and larger firms the power to reduce competition by imposing costs and lobbying to create barriers to entry for smaller brokers.16 While incentives to regulate fellow brokers align in the securities industry in ways they do not in other industries,17 their limitations became evident after the market crash of 1929, which Franklin D. Roosevelt attributed to rampant speculation in securities.18
Although debate continues over the primary cause of the crash, it is widely accepted that speculation, coupled with a lack of market safeguards such as minimum margin requirements, was at least one of the contributing factors.19 Speculation is the practice of making high-risk transactions in trying to profit from short-term price fluctuations and leverage in securities.20 The role of leverage—borrowing money from brokers to invest more while providing only a part of the stock’s price as deposit—is well documented.21 Trading on margin, which meant using securities as collateral for broker loans, became highly popular before the crash, as investors could gain significantly more from any increases in stock prices by investing more without fully paying for the stocks upfront.22
This practice was expanded after the Federal Reserve eased monetary policy in 1927 by cutting interest rates, with the New York Federal Reserve Bank lowering the re-discount rate from 4% to 3.5%.23 Lower borrowing costs further encouraged banks, corporations, and brokers to issue these loans, as increased demand allowed banks to earn interest and brokers to profit from commissions on each trade.24 However, the drawbacks of this practice became evident when the Federal Reserve tightened monetary policy beginning in the summer of 1928 and again in August 1929,25 causing banks and brokerage firms to raise minimum margin requirements.26 As stock values fell below maintenance margin requirements, brokers issued margin calls or demands for additional deposits to address risks of non-repayment.27 If investors could not meet these margin calls by adding more funds, brokers were forced to liquidate the stocks to cover the margin loans, which triggered a sell-off and a feedback loop of falling stock prices.28 In the early 1920s, these loans ranged from one to one and a half billion dollars, and by the end of 1928, this number had ballooned to six billion dollars.29 The sheer magnitude of margin lending can be shown by this change in volume of margin loans in the market.30
In response to the crash and the perceived failures of exchange regulation, stemming from conflicts of interest and inaction among speculative practices, the government created the SEC under the Securities and Exchange Act of 1934, introducing federal oversight to supplement existing private regulations.31 After the creation of the SEC, Congress passed the Maloney Act Amendments in 1938 to set up an SRO for the oversight of the previously unregulated over-the-counter securities market.32 The SEC approved the National Association of Securities Dealers (NASD) as an SRO for this purpose.33 The SEC regulated the national securities market in cooperation with NASD and NYSE for the next several decades. Because of the many crises and scandals during this time, SEC authority over the SROs gradually expanded.34
C. The Formation of FINRA and its Governance Structure
Despite these reforms, commentators criticized the system’s fragmented and overlapping regulations, which increased confusion and costs for dual-member firms regulated by both NASD and NYSE. 35 On July 30, 2007, after SEC approval, the NASD and NYSE consolidated their regulatory arms to maintain the competitive edge of the American securities market and enable faster responses to rapid changes. 36 Notably, this merger aimed to streamline regulation and increase efficiency, with the support of the Securities Industry Association.37 However, NASD members who were not dual members filed a class action lawsuit to stop the consolidation, focusing on financial and governance terms they perceived as unfavorable rather than questioning the overall wisdom of the merger. 38 The Second Circuit ultimately dismissed the lawsuit, 39 and a majority of NASD members approved the bylaw amendments, paving the way for the creation of FINRA.40
Although FINRA is a not-for-profit SRO subject to the SEC’s supervision, it operates as a private Delaware corporation subject to its own by-laws and rules.41 As an SRO, FINRA must comply with SEC rules, enforce U.S. securities laws against its members, and submit any proposed rules or amendments to existing rules to the SEC for its approval.42 The SEC also has the power to nullify, delete, and edit FINRA’s current rules.43 Further, FINRA’s enforcement or disciplinary proceeding results are subject to de novo SEC review.44 As such, the SEC maintains thorough oversight over FINRA. However, FINRA is not funded by any taxpayer dollars.45 Member broker-dealers primarily fund it through industry fees. 46 To become FINRA members, brokers must apply through their New Member Applications process and explicitly agree to abide by their rules and regulations.47
FINRA’s Board of Governors conducts management of its operations.48 The Board includes ten industry members, eleven public members, and the Chief Executive Officer.49 Industry firm representatives within specific categories elect industry members: three small firm governors, one mid-size governor, and three large firm governors.50 This proportional voting system seeks to ensure fair representation and allows member firms to engage in governance. Public governors who have no ties to the securities industry, on the other hand, maintain fair governance by mitigating the potential for industry cartelization.51 Additionally, a robust committee structure facilitates input from members on rulemaking proposals.52 FINRA’s Department of Enforcement brings disciplinary actions, and the Office of Hearing Officers, an impartial and independent office from the rest of FINRA’s departments, adjudicates these cases.53 For instance, FINRA may sanction member firms with fines, suspensions, censures, cease and desist orders, expulsions from membership, and, in other cases, it may order disgorgement or restitution to harmed investors.54 FINRA may order an individual to be barred from associating with any FINRA member firm as well.55
D. An Uncertain Future: Current Constitutional Challenges to FINRA’s Authority
Various constitutional doctrines, recently applied by the Supreme Court to limit federal agencies’ power, motivate current legal attacks against FINRA. Among these, Alpine Securities Corporation v. FINRA stands out as a key case in the D.C. Circuit, raising some of the most pressing and relevant legal questions regarding FINRA’s authority.56 The D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals granted Alpine, a securities broker-dealer, an emergency injunction halting its expulsion from FINRA while the expedited proceeding concluded, and the SEC reviewed the final decision.57
This dispute began when FINRA issued a cease-and-desist order against Alpine for violating its internal rules regarding fees and misappropriating customer property.58 Alpine responded by filing a lawsuit in district court, challenging FINRA’s constitutional status on grounds of violating the private nondelegation doctrine, the Appointments Clause, and Due Process.59 While that case was pending, FINRA determined that Alpine violated the cease-and-desist order and began an expedited proceeding to expel Alpine from FINRA membership.60 Alpine then sought a preliminary injunction against the expedited proceeding in the district court, arguing that the proceeding afforded by FINRA did not comport with the private nondelegation doctrine nor the Appointments Clause, which the district court denied.61 The D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals reversed this order in part, holding that FINRA’s decision could not be enforced until either the SEC reviewed the expulsion or Alpine’s window to seek SEC review had expired.62 In the context of the expedited proceeding, the court held that FINRA denied Alpine governmental review before a decision that could fundamentally alter, or even end, its ability to stay in business, thus implicating the private nondelegation doctrine, which prohibits Congress from delegating its legislative powers to private entities that lack accountability to the electorate.63
